Thursday, April 21, 2016

Anarchism in archaeology: Trivial or insightful?

There has been a surge in interest in anarchist theory among archaeologists in the past few years (e.g., Angelbeck & Grier 2012). I alternative between thinking that this approach is pointless and unnecessary, and thinking that it has something useful to offer. My focus here is on anarchist theory as a tool for understanding and explaining the past, not as a means to understand the present and not as a political position or guide to action today. In brief, it seems to me that the basic ideas of anarchist theory -- as described and used by archaeologists -- are just poor versions of anthropological theory. Archaeologists would be better off using anthropology. But on the other hand, anarchist theory as model of generative processes in urban societies may have some useful insights.

Anarchist theory developed when non-anthropologists (like Peter Kropotkin), who knew little about small-scale nonwestern societies, discovered that not all social situations are hierarchical, that there are ways of organizing society without rulers or elites, and that cooperation among individuals has positive benefits. For people whose experience and knowledge is limited to modern nation-states, these may be real insights that describe attractive alternative social patterns. But anthropology developed as a discipline that studied small-scale nonwestern societies. Non-hierarchical social arrangements, lacking rulers and elites, where cooperation reigns, are not a big deal. The world is (was) full of such societies, and anthropologists long ago figured out what they were like and how they worked.

So why would archaeologists wan to use anarchist theory -- developed by people without much knowledge of small-scale nonwestern societies, writing about alternatives within modern nation-states -- instead of the fruits of more than a century of ethnographic research and anthropological analysis? Yes, Kropotkin hung out with villagers in Siberia and learned something about their way of life. But ethnographers lived for decades in villages all over the world, and produced far better knowledge about small-scale society than Kropotkin or the other anarchists could ever produce. This is my puzzlement about the adoption of anarchist theory by archaeologists. Anthropology has better data and better theory about small-scale societies.

On the other hand, one of my favorite urban scholars is British anarchist Colin Ward, whose work I find insightful. I encountered his work when I was researching informal settlements and their urban attributes (Smitih 2010; Smith et al. 2015). Ward worked with radical housing advocate John F.C. Turner in the 1970s, writing the preface of Turner's 1977 book, Housing by People. On shantytowns, Ward (1973:70) states,
Colin Ward

“The poor of the Third World shanty-towns, acting anarchically, because no authority is powerful enough to prevent them from doing so, have three freedoms which the poor of the rich world have lost. As John Turner puts it, they have the freedom of community self-selection, the freedom to budget one’s own resources and the freedom to shape one’s own environment. In the rich world, every bit of land belongs to someone, who has the law and the agents of law-enforcement firmly on his side.”

For Ward, shantytowns in the developing world exhibit the basic principles of his "anarchist theory of organization (Ward 1966). The act of building in informal settlements is:
  • voluntary
  • functional
  • temporary
  • small

I enjoy teaching Ward's (1973a) chapter on shantytowns, "We house, you are housed, they are homeless." It challenges students views that slums are terrible places of crime and social breakdown, and it also challenges their views of anarchism. Students often think anarchists are old guys holed up in a cabin in the woods with their guns and dogs. The notion that anarchism is a collective and communal way of life is a good discussion topic.

For me, the theoretical value of Ward's work is that it is based on the notion of the generative power of social collectivities:

·         “An important component of the anarchist approach to organisation is what me might call the theory of spontaneous order: the theory that, given a common need, a collection of people will, by trial and error, by improvisation and experiment, evolve order out of the situation—this order being more durable and more closely related to their needs than any kind of externally imposed authority could provide.” (Ward 1973b:31).

While I like Ward's work and his perspective, I don't find much analytical power. That is, he has a nice descriptive account of generative processes, but without the causal mechanisms and theoretical power of many alternative social-science approaches to generative processes. For example, collective action theory (Levi 1988), cooperation research in economics (Bowles & Gintis 2011), neighborhood analysis (Sampson 2012), and Elinor Ostrom's (1990, 2005) institutional analysis are examples of theoretical approaches that have more power and (for me) more usefulness than Colin Ward's anarchist theory. And the urban scaling research I am involved with now is based on a generative theory that derives quantitative urban patterns from the social interactions among people within built environments (Bettencourt 2013). Colin Ward's anarchist theory is entirely consistent with the scaling model, but the latter is a far more powerful model.

So, is anarchist theory useful? I guess if it helps one think about important issues, then it is useful. In this sense, Colin Ward's anarchist theories of architecture and urbanism have been useful to me (for analyses of Ward's thought, see Honyewell 2011, or especially White 2007). But for more powerful explanatory models, I need to look elsewhere. As for more generalized anarchist theory, it is hard to understand why archaeologists would take the word of anthropologically-clueless anarchists over anthropologists who have been studying "anarchist" societies for more than a century.

Angelbeck, Bill and Colin Grier  (2012)  Anarchism and the Archaeology of Anarchic Societies: Resistance to Centralization in the Coast Salish Region of the Pacific Northwest Coast. Current Anthropology 53(5):547-587.

Bettencourt, Luís M. A.  (2013)  The Origins of Scaling in Cities. Science 340:1438-1441.

Bowles, Samuel and Herbert Gintis  (2011)  A Cooperative Species: Human Reciprocity and its Evolution. Princeton University Press, Princeton.

Dugatkin, Lee A.  (2011)  The Prince of Evolution: Peter Kropotkin's Adventures in Science and Politics. Createspace.

Honeywell, Carissa  (2011)  A British Anarchist Tradition: Herbert Read, Alex Comford and Colin Ward. Continuum, New York.

Levi, Margaret  (1988)  Of Rule and Revenue. University of California Press, Berkeley.

Ostrom, Elinor  (1990)  Governing the Commons: The Evolution of Institutions for Collective Action. Cambridge University Press, New York.

Ostrom, Elinor  (2005)  Understanding Institutional Diversity. Princeton University Press, Princeton.

Sampson, Robert J.  (2012)  Great American City: Chicago and the Enduring Neighborhood Effect. University of Chicago Press, Chicago.

Smith, Michael E.  (2010)  Sprawl, Squatters, and Sustainable Cities: Can Archaeological Data Shed Light on Modern Urban Issues? Cambridge Archaeological Journal 20:229-253.

Smith, Michael E., Ashley Engquist, Cinthia Carvajal, Katrina Johnston, Amanda Young, Monica Algara, Yui Kuznetsov and Bridgette Gilliland  (2015)  Neighborhood Formation in Semi-Urban Settlements. Journal of Urbanism 8(2):173-198.

Ward, Colin  (1966)  Anarchism as a Theory of Organization. Anarchy 62:97-109. Reprinted at "The Anarchist Library, Anti-Copyright".

Ward, Colin  (1973b)  the Theory of Spontaneous Order. In Anarchy in Action, pp. 31-39. George Allen and Unwin, London.

Ward, Colin  (1973a)  We House, You are Housed, They are Homeless (chapter 6). In Anarchy in Action, pp. 67-73. George Allen and Unwin, London.

White, Stuart  (2007)  Making Anarchism Respectable?: The Social Philosophy of Colin Ward. Journal of Political Ideologies 12:11-28.

Thursday, March 24, 2016

Why has gotten so boring?

I find myself rarely scrolling through the news feed on any more. I used to like to review the articles listed, often finding things of interest. But there are two new developments in their algorithms that make my news feed almost painful to read.

First, the same articles are listed over and over again. Someone posted a paper: it is listed, Someone bookmarked the paper: listed again. Someone recommended the paper: listed again. Someone looked at the paper. Someone sneezed at the paper. Someone whispered its title. It is bad enough having to wade through the same papers over and over again. But it is made much worse by the second problem

Second, I now get all sorts of papers listed that I don't have the least interest in. Postcolonial this, materiality theory that, phenomenology here, conceptions of the body there. Ugh, I really don't care about this stuff. I used to tweak my list of interests to keep out this kind of fluff, but now it is all over my feed. I deliberately follow only a few people, to keep down the number of items in my feed. But now there is an explosion of junk mail. The entries all say something like "Ten people connected to you bookmarked this paper." This must mean that, for example six people who follow me have bookmarked "The phenomenology of temporal experience." Well, that is nice for them, I guess, but the probability that I will look at such a paper has several zeros after the decimal point.

I still consider as a useful place to post my papers for people to see. But it has ceased to be a place where I go to learn about new papers. There is so much garbage in my feed--repeated again and again--that I can rarely stand to look at it.

Perhaps if I was more in tune with the anti-scientific trend in archaeology, I'd love getting all this stuff. But I'm not, and I don't.

Monday, March 21, 2016

Empty citations

In my paper on arguments in archaeology (Smith, Michael E.,  2015,  How can Archaeologists Make Better Arguments? The SAA Archaeological Record 15(4):18-23) I mention the problem of empty citations. A comment this weekend on Twitter got me to look again at the basic reference on empty citations:

Harzing, Anne-Wil
2002 Are our referencing errors undermining our scholarship and credibility? The case of expatriate failure rates. Journal of Organizational Behavior 23:127-148.

Harzing lists "12 guidelines for good academic referencing." I listed these in an earlier post in 2008. They bear repeating, so here they are:
  1. Reproduce the correct reference. This means get the details of the citation right.
  2. Refer to the correct publication. For example, do not cite Binford (1972) for something that was in fact said in Binford (1965).
  3. Do not use “empty” references. “Empty references do not contain any original data for the phenomenon under investigation, but strictly refer to other studies to substantiate their claim.”
  4. Use reliable sources.
  5. Use generalizable sources for generalized statements. In other words, don’t cite a single example as if it provided support for a more general phenomenon, and don’t cite a study of X artifacts at Y site as if it pertained to many more kinds of artifacts at many sites.
  6. Do not misrepresent the content of the reference.
  7. Make clear which statement references support. Don’t include a number of claims in one sentence, and then append a bunch of references.
  8. Do not copy someone else’s references.
  9. Do not cite out-of-date references. The point here is to avoid data and interpretations that have been discarded or superseded. Many archaeological data reports, of course, NEVER go out of date.
  10. Do not be impressed by top academic journals.
  11. Do not try to reconcile conflicting evidence.
  12.  Actively search for counter-evidence.
Harzing found that the greatest problems were caused by violations of guidelines 3, 4, 6, and 9. It is my subjective impression that in archaeology, guidelines 3, 4, 11 and 12 are particularly subject to violation. I will refrain from naming names here in order to avoid antagonizing people.

For a parallel study, published in New Scientist, see: “Scientists exposed as sloppy reporters”

I though I would give an example here. I'll leave out the names, to protect the guilty.

Scholar A publishes a book chapter (in 1994) that analyzing some information. This person then makes a claim about what ancient people in Mesoamerica were trying to do in certain circumstances. This claim has ABSOLUTELY NO empirical basis; it is a speculation based on the worst of flimsy evidence. It is based more on Scholar A's preconceived ideas than on evidence. But instead of framing this claim in hypothetical terms, it is presented as a simple statement of fact. I happen to know the data and research tradition well, and you are going to have to accept my claim that I am not misrepresenting the facts. Maybe I will reveal the original paper, but leave the empty citations anonymous.

Then archaeologists, who share Scholar A's preconceived ideas, start citing this chapter as supporting the idea about what ancient Mesoamericans were trying to do. This appears in at least 3 articles in Latin American Antiquity (between 2004 and 2011), it appears in four or five chapters of an edited volume published by a reputable press in 2005, and it appears again in an edited volume published in 2016, citing not only the original paper, but some of the earlier works citing the original paper. These are all empty citations:
Empty references are references that do not contain any original evidence for the phenomenon under investigation, but strictly refer to other studies to substantiate their claim. Other authors subsequently use these empty references to substantiate their claims rather than going back to cite the original source (Harzing 2002:130).
If you haven't read my paper on arguments, please take a look. And also take a look at Harzing. It is ridiculous that this practice is common in archaeology and Mesoamerican studies.

Harzing, Anne-Wil
    2002    Are Our Referencing Errors Undermining our Scholarship and Credibility? The Case of Expatriate Failure Rates. Journal of Organizational Behavior 23:127-148.

Sunday, February 21, 2016

Why is a scientific archaeology so hard to achieve?

This is the third of three posts on my view of a “scientific archaeology.” The first two were, “Science, social science, and archaeology: Where do we stand?”, and “Why is itimportant to strive for a more scientific archaeology?

I will give four reasons why a scientific archaeology is hard to achieve:
1. The new archaeologists picked the wrong model of explanation, and we are still paying for their mistake
2. Confusion about “archaeological science” and “scientific archaeology”
3. Ignorance of the social sciences
4. A widespread commitment to abstract and philosophical social theory

Reason 1:  The new archaeologists picked the wrong model of explanation, and we are still paying for their mistake

Lewis Binford and the New Archaeologists latched onto the covering law model of explanation, as promoted by Carl Hempel and the other logical positivists. This is a very restrictive model that does not work in the social sciences. Explanation consists of subsuming a particular case under a general or universal law. But the new archaeologists could not identify any general laws that would help, other than trivialities famously labeled “Mickey Mouse laws” by Kent Flannery. Philosophers of science had already shown the limitations of covering laws for the social sciences, even before the new archaeologists started promoting Hempel. A philosopher of science pointed this out in an archaeology journal (Morgan 1973). The archaeologists replied that Morgan was not an archaeologist and didn’t understand archaeology, and so his critique did not count (Watson et al. 1974)!

A number of archaeologists were highly critical of the covering law approach (Flannery 1973; Sabloff et al. 1973), but they did not have a viable alternative model of explanation. For a while it seemed that systems theory might fill the gap. When I was in graduate school in the late 1970s, systems theory was the cool new thing, and I even published a paper with boxes and arrows (Smith 1983). I published it in Mexico, in Spanish, figuring I could help spread the word on systems theory. Later, I was slightly embarrassed about the paper, glad it was published in an obscure journal!

Explanation via causal mechanisms didn’t become popular until ca. 1990 (Elster 1989; Stinchcombe 1991). But it should be obvious to anyone interested in the archaeology of social processes or in social history that causal mechanisms provide a far more appropriate and satisfying account of explanation than covering laws (see the quote from Charles Tilly in my prior post). This table, from Hedström (2005), contrasts covering laws, mechanisms, and statistical explanations.

Strangely, some archaeologists have continued until recently to argue in favor of explanation by covering laws (Kuznar and Long 2008). But covering laws are most often encountered today either in historical accounts of archaeology, or in works by archaeologists who want to critique natural-science epistemologies as a basis for archaeological argumentation (e.g., Martinón-Torres and Killick n.d.). Get over it, folks. Covering laws are dead. They were superseded by causal mechanisms over 30 years ago!

Reason 2: Confusion about “archaeological science” and “scientific archaeology”

Riddle: What is called “science” but is not science?

Answer: Creation science and “archaeological science.”

That riddle is not entirely fair, but it does bring out an important issue in the way the term “science” is used in archaeology. Consider two dichotomous schemes. The first is one I have talked about several times in this blog (original discussion; see also here). I talk about Science-1 to refer to archaeology with a scientific epistemology and Science-2  describes the use of techniques from the natural sciences, whether or not employed within an overall scientific epistemology. I point out the irony of using the term scientific for non- and anti-scientific archaeological epistemologies, even if used by scholars who employ “scientific” techniques.

The second scheme, as described by Martinón-Torres and Killick (n.d.) distinguishes “scientific archaeology” (the use of a natural-science epistemology in archaeology) and “archaeological science” (the use of natural-science techniques by archaeologists). These are parallel schemes, but quite distinct in their implications. Do you see the difference?

These authors write from the perspective of high-level, abstract social theory. To them, “scientific archaeology” describes the bad guys—new archaeology, behavioral archaeology, and evolutionary archaeology—all of whom are accused of being neo-positivists under the spell of Hempel et al. I don’t want to speak for those three approaches, but from my perspective, the scheme of Martinón-Torres and Killick ignores the kind of social-scientific epistemology that I am promoting.

Their second concept, “archaeological science,” is ironic when describing archaeometric work by archaeologists who fail to follow a scientific epistemology.  Martinón-Torres and Killick give an extended discussion of how “archaeological science” has helped further high-level abstract social theory in archaeology (e.g., materiality, social constructivism). But those applications are not science; that is, they do not follow a scientific epistemology. Perhaps the simplest “litmus test” of the scientific status of an argument is to pose the question “How would you know if you are wrong?” (Smith 2015); based on Haber (1999). Look at archaeological papers on materiality or poststructuralism, and see if they pass this litmus test.

I want to be clear here. I do NOT claim that any work that invokes high-level abstract theory is unscientific by definition. It is entirely possible to use such theory within a paper that also includes lower-level empirical theory in a scientific fashion. But if the ONLY theory on the table is abstract social theory, then it is very unlikely that a scientific epistemology is being followed. I'd love to be proven wrong here, but I don't see it.

I apologize if you are sick of reading the term “epistemology.” But I find it necessary to navigate these waters where non-scientific arguments and research design can be labelled scientific, and scientific approaches are omitted from descriptions of "scientific archaeology."

Reason 3: Ignorance of the social sciences

My graduate training was quite isolationist about archaeology and other disciplines. Classical archaeology was portrayed as silly and irrelevant. I remember when this bubble was popped for me. Shortly after I started teaching, at Loyola University of Chicago, I attended a workshop on survey archaeology in the Mediterranean at the University of Illinois, Chicago. Having been socialized that Mesoamerican survey archaeology was the best in the world, I was flabbergasted to learn that some of the Classical archaeologists had better methods than we used in Mesoamerica! More rigorous collections, better calculation of surface counts and densities, and a more rigorous and intensive approach to surface archaeology. This was not silly or irrelevant! (Alcock and Cherry 2004; Barker and Mattingly 1999-2000).

A second component of disciplinary isolation was the message that other social sciences were not of interest to archaeology. We were part of anthropology, the story went, and anthropology stood alone as the light through the forest of nonwestern and ancient cultures. Archaeology got its theory from anthropology (remember the nonsense about archaeology not having any theory of its own, we got it all from anthropology? Good for a laugh today). Disciplines like sociology and political science, I was told, were irrelevant. When I started working on comparative imperialism in the 1990s, it quickly became clear that political scientists and comparative historians had better things to say about empires than did anthropologists (surprise, surprise). But when my interests turned strongly to urbanism, there was no contest. Anthropology had very little useful theory or comparative data (with some notable exceptions, such as urban ethnography in the developing world in the 1960s-1970s), whereas other fields were full of extremely worthwhile material. See my paper on urban theory (Smith 2011) for examples of relevant theoretical perspectives that are mostly non-anthropological and entirely non-philosophical, non-abstract, and non-highlevel.

There is no excuse in 2016 for remaining ignorant of the social sciences. To claim that the choice offered by C.P. Snow in 1959—natural science or humanities—is still relevant is absurd. Killick (2005:186) does point out, in a historical discussion, that “Snow himself acknowledged that he had overlooked the role of the social sciences as a bridge between the humanities and the sciences.” But in his other writings (Killick 2015; Martinón-Torres and Killick n.d.), there is little indication that he identifies social science as a “third culture” (Kagan 2009), not just something vaguely “intermediate” between natural science and the humanities, but fully distinct from those two approaches to knowledge. I apologize for dumping on Martinón-Torres and Killick’s paper so much here. It is not an especially egregious example of the problems I am discussing; its views seem pretty widespread. But it does discuss major issues clearly and explicitly, making it easier to pinpoint some of the key epistemological points.

If you have any doubt about the relevance or the usefulness of the social sciences for archaeology, see my prior posts. Check out some of the works cited in those posts. Go read some Charles Tilly.

Reason 4: A widespread commitment to abstract and philosophical social theory

In case you hadn’t noticed, I have a strong antipathy toward high-level, abstract social theory (also called grand theory) in archaeology. It is not that I think there is anything inherently wrong with this type of theory. Rather, an obsession with this material by archaeologists has slowed progress in the development of archaeology as a social science. Let me try to express my views here as clearly as I can. I will describe five propositions and three conclusions.

First, there is an epistemological hierarchy, as illustrated in the above diagram. This should not be controversial, although some postprocessualists have argued that all theory exists on the same level (See Smith 2011 for citations). But the overwhelming consensus in the social sciences and in the philosophy of science is that the notion of a hierarchy of levels of theory is useful and relevant. I review some of this material in Smith (2011) and will not repeat it here. The number of levels, their specific labels, etc. can vary, but the basic idea of an epistemological hierarchy is fundamental. Here is a simlar scheme, from Alexander (1982), and included in Abend (2008).

 Second, different levels of theory are useful for different goals. The clearest expression of this principle I am aware of is Gabriel Abend’s (2008) paper on the meaning of “theory” in sociology. I discuss Abend’s analysis in an earlier post. It is a brilliant paper. Abend identifies seven different ways that sociologists use the term “theory.” He is not claiming that there are seven types of theory that exist in the world, but that the varying definitions and meanings of theory by scholars tend to fall into seven clusters. Each has its uses.

Third, high-level, abstract social theory is useful for making sense of the world. Abend’s Theory-3 consists of statements about the meanings of social phenomena. Theses accounts provide an “interpretation,” a “reading, or a “way of making sense.” His Theory-5 consists of an overall perspective from which to view, and interpret, the world. His examples include postmodern theory, poststructuralist theory, feminist theory, critical theory, Marxist theory, structural-functionalist theory, and rational choice theory. High-level social theory, of Abend’s types 3 and 5, is fine for abstract thinking about the social world on a very general, conceptual level.

Fourth, because of its very generality and abstractness (see the diagram)—high-level social theory cannot provide accounts of concrete, on-the-ground social events, processes, or conditions. It cannot account for social variation on the level of individuals and institutions. If you doubt this, check out the quotes from sociologist C. Wright Mills and archaeologist Kevin Fisher on page 168 of Smith (2011). Check Roy Ellen’s (2010) discussion of this issue. High-level abstract social theory cannot be proven wrong, and thus fails to conform to a scientific epistemology.

Fifth, the kind of social theory that DOES provide explanations of on-the-ground social events, processes, conditions, and institutions is called “middle-range theory” (do I need to say it? Mertonian middle-range theory, not Binfordian middle-range theory, which is fine but is something completely different)  Again, I have an extensive discussion of this in Smith (2011), where I identify several bodies of such theory that are useful for analyzing ancient cities. Abend includes this domain under his Theory-1 (a general proposition about the relationship between two variables) and Theory-2 (an explanation of a particular social phenomenon). This latter is the kind of account provided by causal mechanisms. These are the kinds of theory that are used in conjunction with a scientific epistemology. This is what we should be doing in archaeology.

When I examine these five propositions in relation to the current state of theory in archaeology, I draw three conclusions:

First, many archaeologists seem unaware of causal mechanisms and kinds of middle-range theory needed to generate causal explanations of social phenomena in the deep past. This is a direct consequence of Reasons 1, 2, and 3 above.

Second, many archaeologists apparently believe that high-level abstract social theory is the only kind of theory that matters. Or, more precisely, it is the only kind of theory that they write about.

Third, until there is a more widespread recognition of the value of a scientific epistemology, of middle-range theory, and of causal explanations, archaeology will to find it hard:

  •          To create a corpus of rigorous scientific knowledge that can be built upon and expanded as new research is done;
  •        To develop accounts of patterns and change in the past that are acceptable to other social scientists, and potentially contribute to general social-science knowledge; and,
  •          To communicate to the public just what we are up to, in words that most people can understand. The public loves archaeology. Wouldn’t it be great if they appreciated our ideas and results as much as they do our spectacular finds? Abstract social theory will not accomplish this.


Abend, Gabriel
2008  The Meaning of "Theory". Sociological Theory 26: 173-199.

Alcock, Susan E. and John F. Cherry (editors)
2004  Side-by-Side Survey: Comparative Regional Studies in the Mediterranean World. Oxbow Books, Oxford.

Alexander, Jeffrey C.
1982    Theoretical Logic in Sociology, Volume 1: Positivism, Presuppositions, and Current Controversies. University of California Press, Berkeley.
Barker, Graeme and David Mattingly (editors)
1999-2000  The Archaeology of Mediterranean Landscapes. 5 vols. Oxbow Books, Oxford.

Ellen, Roy
2010  Theories in Anthropology and "Anthropological Theory". Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 16: 387-404.

Elster, Jon
1989  Nuts and Bolts for the Social Sciences. Cambridge University Press, New York.

Flannery, Kent V.
1973  Archaeology with a Capital S. In Research and Theory in Current Archaeology, edited by Charles L. Redman, pp. 47-58. Wiley, New York.

Haber, Stephen
1999  Anything Goes: Mexico's "New" Cultural History. Hispanic American Historical Review 79: 309-330.

Hedström, Peter
2005  Dissecting the Social: On the Principles of Analytical Sociology. Cambridge University Press, New York.

Kagan, Jerome
2009  The Three Cultures: Natural Sciences, Social Sciences, and the Humanities in the 21st Century. Cambridge University Press, New York.

Killick, David
2005  Is there Really a Chasm betwen Archaeological Theory and Archaeological Science? Archaeometry 47 (1): 186-189.

2015  The awkward adolescence of archaeological science. Journal of Archaeological Science 56: 242-247.

Kuznar, Lawrence A. and Kenneth Long
2008  Deductive-Nomological vs. Causal-Mechanical Explanation: Relative Strengths and Weaknesses in Anthropological Explanation. In Against the Grain: The Vayda Tradition in Human Ecology and Ecological Anthropology, edited by Bradley B. Walters, Bonnie J. MacKay, Paige West, and Susan Lees, pp. 159-173. AltaMira, Lanham, MD.

Martinón-Torres, Marcos and David Killick
n.d.    Archaeological Theories and Archaeological Sciences. In Oxford Handbook of Archaeological Theory, edited by Andrew Gardner, Mark Lake, and Ulrike Sommer. Oxford University Press, New York.

Morgan, Charles G
1973  Archaeology and Explanation. World Archaeology 4 (3): 259-276.

Sabloff, Jeremy A., Thomas W. Beale, and Anthony M. Kurland, Jr.
1973  Supplement: Recent Developments in Archaeology. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 408: 103-118.

Smith, Michael E.
1983  El desarrollo económico y la expansión del imperio Mexica: Una perspectiva sistémica. Estudios de Cultura Náhuatl 16: 135-164.

2011  Empirical Urban Theory for Archaeologists. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 18: 167-192.

2015  How can Archaeologists Make Better Arguments? The SAA Archaeological Record 15 (4): 18-23.

Stinchcombe, Arthur L.
1991  The Conditios of Fruitfulness of Theorizing About Mechanisms in Social Science. Philosophy of the Social Sciences 21: 367-388.

Watson, Patty Jo, Steven A LeBlanc, and Charles L Redman
1974  The covering law model in archaeology: Practical uses and formal interpretations. World Archaeology 6 (2): 125-132.