Saturday, May 11, 2013

When our concepts fossilize, or, How to keep archaeology down on the farm



Cuexcomate, an Aztec community
I’ve been struggling with the problem of relating some of my archaeological findings to social issues in the world today. In this case, my focus is on the concept of “community.” I have two reasons for exploring how Aztec communities (whose remains I have excavated) are similar or different from modern communities. One reason is public communication. I am writing a book about Aztec communities intended for a popular, non-specialist audience, and I want readers to see connections between communities today and the contexts I am describing in the book. The other reason is scientific. In line with my strong beliefs that archaeology is a social science, I want to forge conceptual and empirical links between the results of my fieldwork and research on contemporary communities.

The major work on the archaeology of communities, for state-level societies, is the book with that title (Canuto and Yaeger 2000). I never much liked the concept of community promoted in that work, and I withdrew my name from one of the chapters to avoid being associated with the book and its approach (that is, I would have been co-author of one of the chapters, which was then published without my name). For a number of years I couldn’t put my finger on just what I disliked, beyond a vague uneasiness with the book’s emphasis on “the community as a socially constituted institution” and its celebration of “a multiplicity of perspectives” (Yaeger and Canuto 2000). I could not see how to operationalize the concepts in that book to analyze ancient communities as I understood them, and I disliked the vague interpretivist approach of the editors and some of the authors. To me, things like subjective meanings, identity, agency, and social construction—major components of that approach—were not the most important things about communities, today or in the past.

As my reading expanded into sociology, economics, and political science over the past few years, I found an approach to community that seemed more rigorous and useful. The major focus is on social interactions among people. A community is an institution with particular kinds of social interactions. This chart (from Bowles and Gintis 1998:6) illustrates how communities relate to states and markets, other institutions also based on interactions. Here is how Bowles and Gintis define community:

“By community we mean a group of people who interact directly, frequently and in multi-faceted ways. People who work together are usually communities in this sense, as are some neighbourhoods, groups of friends, professional and business networks, gangs, and sports leagues. The list suggests that connection, not affection, is the defining characteristic of a community. Whether one is born into a community or one entered by choice, there are normally significant costs to moving from one to another.” (Bowles and Gintis 2002:F420).

OR:

“By ‘community’ we mean a structure of social interaction characterized by high entry and exit costs and nonanonymous relationships among members. As with biological ‘groups,’ interactions among community members are more frequent and extensive than interactions with ‘outsiders.’ “ (Bowles and Gintis 1998:3).

Communities foster:
Bungamati, a community in Nepan

  • Frequent interaction among the same agents;
  • Low-cost access to information about other community members;
  • A tendency to favor interactions with members of one’s own community over outsiders;
  • Restricted migration to and from other communities.

“These structural characteristics, we will show, contribute to the ability of communities to promote pro-social behavior.” (Bowles and Gintis 1998:6) One of their big points is that communities today can accomplish many things more successfully than can markets or states. This, of course, is closely related to the insights of the late Nobel laureate Elinor Ostrom (1990; 2010) on common-pool resource exploitation.

There is a HUGE literature on community in sociology and other social sciences. Here are some other sources with similar interaction-based views of community that I find congenial and very useful for archaeology: (Hechter 1987; Taylor and Singleton 1993; Sampson 1999; Talen 1999; Tilly 2008; Brower 2011; Sampson 2012).

This is the literature I draw on in discussing ancient communities and how they compare to modern communities. When a new reference work came out recently, I was interested to see an update on The Archaeology of Communities  (Canuto and Yaeger 2012). My initial hope was that these authors may have gotten into some of the contemporary literature cited above, but instead I found that their initial interpretivist perspective had fossilized. Although they claim to be interested in social interaction, this is a very different take on interaction than is used in sociology, economics, political science, and planning today:

  • “Of all the topics recently addressed under the rubric of the archaeology of communities, identities and identity formation have been most salient.” (p.701)
  • “These scholars focus on the constitution of past social groups through dialogic relations to other subjects as well as the material world. In this approach, community is a social group with an explicit discursive identity that develops through participation in meaningful practices, at meaningful places, and using meaningful objects.” (702) [Editorial remark from the peanut gallery: Do you think they are interested in meaning?]
  • There is a major focus on “intersubjectivity” (702).
Hierarchical community structure (Amos Rapoport)


As readers of this blog will know, there is a strong epistemological gap between this kind of interpretivist viewpoint (soft postmodernism, social archaeology, whatever you want to call it) and the materialist, social scientific epistemology that I like to promote. I find Canuto and Yaeger’s concept of community problematic for a couple of reasons. First, it prevents objective comparisons among cases. If subjective meaning and social construction are paramount, then you just can’t make rigorous comparisons among communities, ancient or modern. Second, continued adherence to this line of thought keeps archaeology isolated from contemporary thought and research in the social sciences. Archaeology is kept “down on the farm” and unable to contribute to wider debates about communities and other social phenomena.

If you are not familiar with this (non-archaeological) literature on community, you should check it out. I am not the only archaeologist getting into this area of social science research; see the papers in Carballo (2013). I have avoided mentioning the big literature on community in the American Southwest. Much of this work is quite good, well worth considering if you work on non-stsate societies. Schachner (2012) is a good introduction and empirical study.

Bowles, Samuel and Herbert Gintis
1998    The Moral Economy of Communities: Structured Populations and the Evolution of Pro-Social Norms. Evolution and Human Behavior 19: 3-25.

2002    Social Capital and Community Governance. The Economic Journal 112 (483): F419-F436.

Brower, Sidney N.
2011    Neighbors and Neighborhoods: Elements of Successful Community Design. APA Planners Press, Chicago.

Canuto, Marcello A. and Jason Yaeger (editors)
2000    The Archaeology of Communities. Routledge, New York.

2012    Communities in Ancient Mesoamerica. In The Oxford Handbook of Mesoamerican Archaeology, edited by Deborah L. Nichols and Christopher Pool, pp. 697-707. Oxford University Press, New York.


Carballo, David M. (editor)
2013    Cooperation and Collective Action: Archaeological Perspectives. University Press of Colorado, Boulder.


Hechter, Michael
1987    Principles of Group Solidarity. University of California Press, Berkeley.


Ostrom, Elinor
1990    Governing the Commons: The Evolution of Institutions for Collective Action. Cambridge University Press, New York.

2010    Beyond Markets and States: Polycentric Governance of Complex Economic Systems. American Economic Review 100 (3): 641-672. 



Sampson, Robert J.
1999    What Community Supplies. In Urban Problems and Community Development, edited by Ronald F. Ferguson and William T. Dickens, pp. 241-292. Brookings Institution Press, Washington, DC.

2012    Great American City: Chicago and the Enduring Neighborhood Effect. University of Chicago Press, Chicago.


Schachner, Gregson
2012    Population Circulation and the Transformation of Ancient Zuni Communities. University of Arizona Press, Tucson



Talen, Emily
1999    Sense of Community and Neighbourhood Form: An Assessment of the Social Doctrine of New Urbanism. Urban Studies 36: 1361-1379.

Taylor, Michael and Sara Singleton
1993    The Communal Resource: Transaction Costs and the Solution of Collective Action Problems. Politics and Society 21 (2): 195-214.

Tilly, Charles
2008    Explaining Social Processes. Paradigm Publishers, Boulder, CO.

Yaeger, Jason and Marcello A. Canuto
2000    Introducing an Archaeology of Communities. In The Archaeology of Communities, edited by Marcello A. Canuto and Jason Yaeger, pp. 1-15. Routledge, New York.

Friday, May 3, 2013

New in the journals

I am catching up on my on-line journal reading today, and a couple of things caught my eye.

(1) Make your arguments and reasoning clear and explicit.

The current issue of the Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory is a theme issue of papers on evolutionary archaeology, each of which contains a "logicist diagram." These diagrams show the relationships between what the issue co-editors (Valentine Roux and Marie-Agnès Courty) call the two components of research: data and inferences:

"Highlighting these two components and proposing their reading under the form of a diagram allow a rapid reading of the rules of inference used by the researchers to support a result and, in return, better sharing of knowledge within the discipline."

I will need to stare at these diagrams and read some of the papers more fully to understand this system in more detail, but this general procedure -- diagramming one's inferential process -- is an excellent practice. I do it informally quite a bit. It helps sort out things like the epistemological role of comparative data and models in one's argument. For example, am I using Netting's smallholder model to understand or explain my data, or am I using my data to confirm or extend the applicability or Netting's model in my area? I see this kind of confusion often when reviewing articles and proposals (and also when reading journals, unfortunately). Drawing a diagram is often the best way to sort these things out. This is one way to improve your arguments, something that archaeologists need to pay more attention to. Check out the issue, and the introductory paper.

Roux, Valentine and Marie-Agnès Courty
2013    Introduction to Discontinuities and Continuities: Theories, Methods and Proxies for a Historical and Sociological Approach to Evolution of Past Societies. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 20(2):187-193.


Inka Farce T-shirt
(2) The Inka empire used farce to subdue its provincial subjects! And you probably thought they were boring, heartless bureaucrats without a sense of humor. Here is part of the abstract of a paper in Antiquity: "the authors show how the Inka did not just use farce, production and ritual to subdue the indigenous population."

This must be a typo in the online abstract of the article. I don't have access to the pdf, but I hope the abstract is correct in the journal and the pdf!

Acuto, Felix A., Andrés Troncoso, and Alejandro Ferrari  (2012)  Recognising strategies for conquered territories: a case study from the Inka North Calchaquí Valley. Antiquity 86:1141-1154.